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Subject: SNET: Police State Conspiracy - An Indictment (Conclusions)
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THE POLICE STATE CONSPIRACY
=97 an INDICTMENT =97
[Image]
By RICHARD MOORE
[CLOSING ARGUMENTS]
Presented before the GRAND JURY of LIBERTY
On this FOURTH DAY of HEARING
The PEOPLE v NWO Et Al
Defendant 1 - NWO ("Corporate Globalist Elite")
Defendant 2 - MEDIA ("Corporate Mass Media")
Defendant 3 - GOVT ("National Government Leadership")
Defendant 4 - INTELCOM ("Intelligence Community")
Ladies and gentlemen of the jury, in the first three days of this
hearing we have seen how the infrastructures of a police state
are being established in the United States. Civil liberty
protections have been systematically dismantled; conspiracy laws
permit the conviction of people not involved in crimes; police
forces are being paramilitarised; longer sentences are being
given for minor offences; prison populations are growing
dramatically. We have seen how factionalism is being promoted in
order to divide society against itself; we have seen how the
evidence shows that dramatic incidents, such as the World Trade
Centre and Oklahoma Federal Building bombings, have been covertly
and intentionally staged in order to avoid debate in the
implementation of police-state measures.
Today, in these closing arguments, we will examine two points.
First, we will review the background of the NWO capitalist elite
in order to understand why political suppression via police-state
measures is an inevitable necessity for them. Second, we will
review recent developments in Ireland, to show how police-state
measures which took years to justify politically in the US are
being exported wholesale to other Western countries.
1. Capitalism and the Necessity of Police States in the West
The religion of the NWO elite is capitalism, and the root of most
of the problems of the world today, including the development of
police states in the West, can be traced to the dynamics of
capitalism. The dictionary definition of "capitalist" begins:
"An investor of capital in business..."
What distinguishes capitalism from earlier forms of private
commerce and trade is the emphasis on external capital investment
=97 funds which are invested in an enterprise for the purpose of
increasing the value of the investment. In particular capitalism
is characterised by stock corporations, where ownership shares in
a business can be bought and sold.
Stockholders are technically the owners of an enterprise, but the
interests of stockholders are not the same as the interests of an
owner who also operates an enterprise. An owner-operator is
concerned with operating a healthy business and developing it
over time. He or she might be interested in growing the business,
or might just as well be happy for it to stabilise at some
manageable size and then bring in a stable ongoing profit. But a
capitalist, an external investor, is interested solely in the
growth of the business, which is what increases the value of the
stock investment. A stable business translates into stagnant
stock values; a business which is merely profitable is not a good
place for capital investment.
One can compare a corporation =97 or any investment vehicle =97 to a
taxicab, and an investor to a rider. The operator of a taxicab is
concerned with keeping the vehicle in good repair and making a
regular profit over time. A rider, on the other hand, is only
concerned with his own use of the vehicle. If the rider gets to
his destination on time, he has little concern over whether the
vehicle is damaged in the process. Similarly a capital investor
uses an investment vehicle. Only a period of growth is required
by the investor. If the vehicle then falters, investors simply
sell their shares and reinvest elsewhere. The history of
capitalism is indeed strewn with the carcasses of boom-and-bust
corporations, industries, and whole economies.
In a capitalist economy there is a pool of capital =97 the sum of
all the money investors are making available. Just as water seeks
its own level, so this ever-growing capital pool always seeks the
best available growth opportunities. And just as water over time
can wear down the highest mountain, so the relentless pressure of
this growth-seeking capital pool eventually creates an economy
and society in which growth is the dominant agenda. External
ownership =97 the separation of ownership from operation =97 is the
origin of the growth imperative in a capitalist economy.
The evolution of capitalism proceeds according to the following
dynamic. In each phase of its development capitalism operates
within a larger societal regime =97 a particular political,
cultural, technological, and economic environment. Within this
regime, under the relentless pressure of the investment pool, the
various investment vehicles are exploited to the maximum
practical degree. There always comes a point where further growth
of the pool becomes problematic or impossible. When such a
societal growth barrier is encountered, the creative energy of
capitalism is unleashed on a new objective: changing the
surrounding societal regime.
There is thus a characteristic rhythm to capitalist evolution.
Periods of growth within a regime are punctuated by changes of
regime designed to create a new period of growth. A new societal
regime might be characterised by technological changes (the
Industrial Revolution), by political changes (creation of
republics), or by new societal projects (imperialism.) Driven by
its relentless growth imperative, capitalism has become the
driving force behind societal evolution wherever it has taken
hold.
Apologists for capitalism call such societal changes "progress"
and emphasise whatever real or imagined beneficial qualities
might be present. In fact such changes have been designed by
human creativity yoked to the objective not of societal
improvement, but to that of creating new investment vehicles for
the ever-voracious capital pool. In fact the intentional
destruction of societies and economies, particularly but not only
in colonised nations, has been a technique frequently employed to
create new investment vehicles.
One of the most important and characteristic societal
developments brought about by capitalism is the rise of
capitalist elite oligarchies. Given that the evolution of
capitalism proceeds through an ongoing series of intentional
societal changes, it is only natural that the mechanisms of
societal control would themselves evolve over time and eventually
be consolidated into political domination by a capitalist elite.
People of the same trade seldom meet together... but
the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the
public, or in some contrivance to raise prices.
=97 Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations
In every society where capitalism has taken hold, a dominant
capitalist oligarchy has in fact emerged, along with the
establishment of institutions designed to further elite interests
in a systematic way. Today, the United States itself has become a
vehicle for managing world events so as to facilitate investment,
to make the world safe for capitalism. Transnational corporations
(TNC=92s) have evolved into gigantic engines for generating capital
growth, and TNC-dominated bureaucracies (International Monetary
Fund (IMF), World Trade Organisation, et al) are being given
global decision-making power over a wide range of issues, loosely
called economic =97 and those institutions are rapidly becoming in
all but name a world government.
Global capitalism today is coming up against several constraints,
and globalisation, in its full NWO dimensionality, can be seen as
the creative attempt by very competent, corporate-funded planners
to overcome those constraints. One of the constraints comes from
the very global success of capitalism =97 there is no longer any
possibility of growth through territorial expansion. Other means
of growth =97 and many have been perfected over the years =97 must b=
e
deployed.
In Southeast Asia, in Africa, and in the former Soviet Union, the
policies of Western finance capital and of its tool, the IMF,
have created capital-growth vehicles through the intentional
destruction of once healthy economies. In South Korea, for
example, Western over-investment was followed by the sudden
withdrawal of funds and credit. Thus a financial bubble was
created, and when it burst the South Korean currency was
destroyed and the national finances were depleted.
In desperate need of finance, South Korea was forced to turn to
the IMF. The IMF then came forward with one of its infamous
"restructuring" programs which in truth should be called
"demolition" programs. Sound businesses that had been thriving
only weeks before were forced into bankruptcy; South Korea was
forced to change its social and labour policies from top to
bottom; the systems were dismantled which had been responsible
for South Korea=92s postwar economic success.
These so-called IMF "reforms" which were forced on South Korea
had nothing to do with the causes of the financial collapse. Not
only that, but the IMF "rescue funds" did not go to South Korea
at all, but were rather used to repay the external investors
whose market manipulations had caused the collapse. While Western
taxpayers fund the IMF, and Southeast Asian (and other)
populations suffer the consequences of IMF policies, it is
Western capital that reaps all the benefits.
What were the benefits reaped by Western capital? To begin with,
the IMF bailout of the investors means that Western capital was
first able to profit from the decades of South Korean growth, but
was then protected when the bubble burst. Global capitalism has
been called "casino capitalism", and the IMF makes sure that the
big players cannot lose in this game, no matter which cards turn
up.
But that was only the beginning. To understand the primary
benefit derived from destroying the South Korean economy, we must
note that capitalism is currently suffering from what is called a
"crisis of over-production". The efficiency and size of TNC
producers have evolved to the degree where much more can be
produced than can possibly be consumed. In automobiles,
electronics, and many other industries there are simply too many
producers chasing too few consumers.
Interventions such as in South Korea and the former Soviet Union
have become a systematic mechanism to selectively cull global
competitors, thus creating growth room for those that remain. In
addition, the assets and productive capacity of the victims have
been made available at bargain prices for purchase by Western
interests.
This selective destruction of economies is a "regime change" in
the global society, designed to create growth vehicles for the
Western capital pool. Elimination of producers creates growth
room in the global economy for Western operators; bargain
purchase of assets increases monopoly concentration of global
commerce in Western hands; destabilised societies are forced to
import what they formerly produced for themselves, further
increasing Western capital-growth opportunities.
One of the myths of globalisation is that it represents a
relative decline of Western interests, that market forces will
allow other regions to make inroads against traditional Western
domination. With the postwar economic rise of Japan and later
Southeast Asia, this myth in fact gained considerable
credibility. But as the postwar boom began to level out, and a
new regime of growth became necessary, it has become clear that
the global capital elite remains primarily a Western elite. The
IMF is in fact dominated primarily by Western-based interests,
and its power has been used to selectively cull non-Western
operators.
While the IMF culls competitors using the power of the purse
strings, the US and NATO accomplish the same objective in other
ways. In the case of the petroleum market, where limiting supply
is crucial to maintaining desired global oil prices, geopolitical
machinations have been employed to restrict at various times the
production of Iran, Iraq, Libya, and others. By encouraging the
split-up of Yugoslavia, which competed in several world markets
including automobile production, additional culling was
accomplished.
As capitalism enters its global era, it is doing so under the
control of the Western capitalist elite. This elite dominates the
leading Western nations politically, even more firmly controls
the foreign policies of those nations, and totally controls the
policies of the IMF, the World Bank, and the other institutions
of the global governmental apparatus. All the potent agencies
which determine the course of global societal evolution are
firmly in the control of the Western elite.
But in another sense the decline of the West is not myth but
reality. Western elites remain in firm control and continue to
prosper under globalisation, but Western societies are in fact in
decline =97 economically, culturally, and politically. This decline
is intentional, planned and implemented by the capitalist elite
as a societal change designed, as always, to create growth
vehicles for the capital pool.
This particular episode of Western societal engineering is called
the "neoliberal revolution" and it was formally launched with the
candidacies of Ronald Reagan in the US and Margaret Thatcher in
the UK, and with the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in Europe.
The agenda of the neoliberal revolution is summed up in the
all-too-familiar mantra "free trade, deregulation, privatisation,
and reform". The true meaning of this agenda can be easily found
by analysing each transaction in terms of its consequences for
capital growth.
Free trade, whose practical definition must be inferred from the
terms of the international free-trade agreements, in fact means
the elimination of national sovereignty over the flow of capital
and goods. The consequence is that TNC=92s have more flexibility in
optimising production and distribution, and in exploiting the
opportunities created by the culling of competitors. This
flexibility is the growth vehicle provided by the free-trade
plank of the neoliberal platform.
Deregulation refers to the elimination of national sovereignty
over corporate concentration, capital movement, corporate
operations, pricing, and product standards. Again the benefit is
clear. Greater freedom in concentrating ownership, shifting
capital, operating without environmental or other restraints,
raising prices, and reducing standards =97 these all provide
vehicles for growth in this neoliberal phase of capitalism in
Western economies.
Privatisation refers to the sale of national assets to corporate
operators and the transfer of control over national
infrastructures to those operators. Each such transfer creates an
immediate growth vehicle for capital, in the exploitation of the
asset and the infrastructure. In addition the transfers have been
in fact sweetheart deals where negotiators on both sides of the
transactions have represented the interests of the same
capitalist elite. Asset values have been heavily discounted,
through various tried-and-true trickeries of accounting, and the
"sales" have in fact represented immediate transfers of wealth
from public ownership directly into corporate coffers. The sale
transactions themselves are growth vehicles.
Reform, besides referring to generic compliance with the
neoliberal agenda, also means reducing the taxes of corporations
and the wealthy, eliminating social services, and generally
cutting back the functions of government. Obviously these tax
changes serve to grow the capital pool. The elimination of social
services also serves as a growth vehicle in two ways. Workers
become hungrier for employment, creating a downward pressure on
wages. New enterprises can be started in order to provide the
services formerly provided by government (medical care,
insurance, etc).
The general cutting back of government functions is simply part
of the sovereignty transfer from national governments to the
centralised regime of global institutions. As power and
administration is concentrated globally, the role of national
governments is being reduced and refocused. As has been long true
of governments in much of the Third World, the role of Western
governments is devolving toward three major functions: conforming
to the dictates of the global regime, making payments on the
national debt, and controlling the domestic population. The
paramilitarisation of police forces, the rise in prison
populations, and the extension of police powers are very
necessary societal changes required to enable the full
implementation of the neoliberal agenda.
It is no accident that in the USA, where the neoliberal agenda
has been most thoroughly implemented, the collateral police-state
apparatus is also most thoroughly deployed. SWAT teams, midnight
raids, property confiscations, mandatory and draconian
sentencing, a booming prison-construction industry, increased
surveillance and monitoring of individuals and organisations =97
these are all an increasing part of the American scene.
Government officials have stated that Americans must expect even
more dramatic security measures, and that military vehicles and
weapons can be expected in domestic situations where warranted by
security concerns.
The neoliberal agenda in fact amounts to the dismantlement of
Western societies, undoing what was in some sense many decades of
social progress. Although the dominant global elite remains based
in the West, strong Western societies are no longer required
under the global regime, as they were in the era of competitive
nationalism. Just as the IMF devastates non-Western societies in
ways that provide growth vehicles, so the neoliberal revolution
devastates Western societies for the same purpose, if at a
somewhat more gradual pace. Police-state regimes, whether or not
acknowledged by that name, are an inevitable necessity if Western
nations are to be kept in line as the neoliberal dismantlement,
which is still in its early days, continues to unfold.
2. Exporting the Police State: Ireland and the Omagh Bombing
I=92ve been living in the UK and Ireland for over four years. I=92ve
been observing the peace process and the tactics of the various
sides, including several Irish Republican Army (IRA) bombings.
While by no means condoning violent methods, I have been
nonetheless impressed by the care that went into the planning and
execution of most of the IRA=92s operations.
Huge bombs were set off in London, in the heart of the financial
district and at the Docksides complex, causing immense property
damage and embarrassment to British officials, with surprisingly
little injury or loss of life. Without approving of violence, one
can still acknowledge that the IRA has, at least in recent years,
been politically astute in their (nonetheless unjustifiable)
operations.
The Omagh bombing was totally out of character; it made no sense
whatsoever within the political context of Northern Ireland and
the progress of the peace process. Certainly there are dissident
elements who aren=92t satisfied with the compromises that have been
reached, but accommodations have been made to all sides, and the
overwhelming spirit in both North and South is to reach a
settlement and put the "troubles behind us".
The Omagh bombing was the most deadly of the entire 30-year
"troubles". It was out of character not only by its timing, but
also in terms of its scale. My first response on hearing of it
was "Where did this come from?" It seemed to have come from out
of the blue, totally unrelated to the Irish context. It felt like
one of the "staged dramatic incidents" that we reviewed in the
previous instalment of this Indictment (see New Dawn No. 48).
Suspicious, I waited for the other shoe to drop.
I didn=92t have to wait long. The headline on page seven of the
Irish Times for September 1st reads: "Harsh measures =91regrettably
necessary=92 to fight terrorism." Here we read of a fourteen-point
anti-terrorism bill that is, in its essentials, copied directly
from the police-state provisions that have been adopted in
varying degrees by the US and Britain.
A suspect who refuses to answer questions, can have his silence
used against him. The silence itself can be "inferred" as being
corroborating evidence against the suspect. The right to trial by
jury becomes little more than a sham: if the suspect doesn=92t
confess all, he either opens himself to perjury (by lying) or
else builds, through silence, an "inferred" case against himself.
The validity of trial by jury is further undermined by a another
provision, which requires the defense to announce to the
prosecution, in advance of a trial, all witnesses it is going to
call. Thus the prosecution is armed in advance with the strategy
of the defense, much to its advantage. And witnesses are exposed
to possible harassment leading up to the trial, the fear of which
could have a chilling effect on their willingness to testify.
As if that weren=92t enough, a suspect is expected to divulge,
under police questioning, every bit of evidence that he might
rely on in his defense. Otherwise "inferences" can be drawn. The
very vagueness of "inferences" still further extends the power of
the state over that of the accused in what has become a mockery
of a criminal trial.
The "conduct" of an accused =97 by which he can be judged guilty =97
is re-defined to include "movements, activities, actions or
associations". The critical word here is "associations". If you
can be proved to be a member of an organisation, and if that
organisation engages in illegal acts, then your mere association
makes you to some degree a party to the acts. This provision
establishes in Ireland what in the US are known as conspiracy
laws. Such laws, in conjunction with agent provocateurs, can be
used to suppress popular organisations which legitimately and
legally oppose government policies.
Just as the US President, under police-state provisions, can
declare any organisation to be a "terrorist organisation", so can
the Irish government "suppress" any organisation under the 1939
"Offences Against the State" act. The new "regrettable measures"
of the anti-terrorism bill extend considerably the power of the
state to succeed in suppressing any organisation it decides it
doesn=92t like.
Under the charge of "directing an unlawful organisation", one can
receive life imprisonment. "Directing", it turns out, means
directing the activities of the organisation "at any level".
Thus, if an organisation has been officially "suppressed", all of
its leaders down to the precinct level can be rounded up and put
in prison with the key thrown away =97 simply for being leaders,
and even if the organisation is engaged in no illegal activity.
Under the charge of "unlawful collection of information" one can
be imprisoned for up to 10 years. If you have maps and lists of
people, perhaps to support political organising, and the
prosecutor says you were planning a terrorist network, it is up
to you to prove he=92s wrong. Again trial by jury is made a
mockery. Instead of the state proving its case beyond a
reasonable doubt, it is up to the accused to prove they aren=92t
guilty.
During thirty years of troubles such anti-terrorist provisions
were not considered necessary. Then on the very eve of final
settlement a mysterious, uncharacteristic "incident" occurs in
Omagh, and with suspicious suddenness the Irish government comes
up with an anti-terrorism bill which mimics the "latest
developments" in the police-state provisions of the US and
Britain.
The parallels between the Oklahoma City and Omagh bombing
scenarios are striking. Both were unprecedented in their scale of
death and injury; neither made any sense in terms of being a
"political statement" for any group or organisation; the
circumstance of both were highly suspicious; both were
immediately followed by the passage of omnibus anti-terrorism
bills without debate.
Summary
The pattern, then, is clear. The US leads the way in the
development of police-state measures and of the means to get them
implemented without debate. The measures are then exported to
other countries by the tried-and-true method of staging dramatic
incidents. Globalisation is a very systematic process, as we have
seen in the pattern of IMF interventions, and as we can see in
the establishment of global governing institutions. It is no
surprise that a systematic means have been developed to implement
the police-state regimes which are required to fulfill the aims
of the neoliberal revolution.
The evidence, ladies and gentlemen of the jury, is clear. Our NWO
elite leaders are committed to the program of corporate
globalisation. They are compelled to this strategy by the need to
keep their capital pool growing. Reducing Western populations to
Third-World status is a necessary part of their plans for the
globalisation of the economy and the consolidation of all power
in their centralised bureaucracies. The installation of
police-state regimes is being purposely pursued in order to force
this elite program on Western populations.
I suggest to you that the only reasonable verdict is "guilty as
charged", and that the sentence should be the overthrow of the
capitalist elite oligarchy, through non-violent democratic
revolution, and the replacement of the capitalist system by one
more appropriate to human happiness and well-being.
I thank you for your attention and invite you to go forth and do
your duty as free men and women to secure the future of the Earth
and of your progeny.
Recommended Reading (alphabetical order):
William Blum, Killing Hope, US Military and CIA Interventions
Since World War II, 1995, Common Courage Press, PO Box 702,
Monroe, ME 04951, USA.
Michel Chossudovsky, The Globalisation of Poverty, 1997, Third
World Network, 228, Macalister Road, 10400 Penang, Malaysia, fax
60 4 226 4505.
Richard Douthwaite, The Growth Illusion, 1992, Lilliput Press,
Dublin.
William Greider, Who Will Tell the People =97 the Betrayal of
American Democracy, 1993, Simon and Schuster.
Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking
of World Order, 1997, Simon and Schuster.
V.I. Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, 1939,
International Publishers Co.
Jerry Mander and Edward Goldsmith (editors), The Case Against the
Global Economy and for a Turn Toward the Local, 1996, Sierra Club
Books, San Francisco.
Richard K. Moore, Globalization and the Revolutionary Imperative,
a book-in-progress available online at
http://cyberjournal.org/cadre/gri/gri.html
Michael Parenti, Make-Believe Media =97 the Politics of
Entertainment, 1992, St. Martin=92s Press, New York.
David Wise, The American Police State, 1973, Vintage Books.
Previous parts of Richard Moore=92s Police State Conspiracy =97 An
Indictment were published in New Dawn Nos. 46, 47 & 48.
[Image]
Richard Moore, an expatriate from Silicon Valley, currently lives
and writes in Wexford, Ireland. He currently runs the
Cyberjournal "list" on the Internet. Email: [email protected], FTP:
ftp://ftp.iol.ie/users/rkmoore/cyberlib Address: PO Box 26,
Wexford, Ireland.
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